Home > Uncategorized > Gov. Mitch Daniels: Fears about Obamacare are “Well-Founded”

Gov. Mitch Daniels: Fears about Obamacare are “Well-Founded”

I received a letter yesterday from my governor, Mitch Daniels, in response to a fax I recently sent him about what Obamacare would do to the state of Indiana and how it would harm me and my family.  I posted a link to a copy of his letter that he sent to my Congressman in a previous post.  If you haven’t seen it, go here.

As you will note in the letter to Rep. Peter Visclosky, who represents much of Northwest Indiana, Gov. Daniels noted the following:

  1. The House version of Obamacare was “the worst version yet with truly awful consequences” for the state of Indiana
  2. The popular state run (but not controlled) insurance plan currently in place would go kaput under Obamacare
  3. The bill would originate “enormous new taxes” while forcing currently insured Hoosiers out of their present plans
  4. The legislation is a “job killer” and will create “unbearable costs” for us and our children and grandchildren

In the governor’s letter to me, similar expressions were given.  I suppose I could post a copy of this letter but since a good chunk of it is redundant to the letter sent to Rep. Visclosky, I’ll forgo it.  But here are a few notable excerpts in the letter dated Nov. 19th to yours truly.

  1. Over the past few months, I have watched as citizens have come forward to passionately express their anxieties about the legislation. Their worries, as well as yours, are well-founded.”
  2. I fear the current rush to overhaul the system will ultimately do more damage than good and create far more problems than it solves“.
  3. Indiana would bear the brunt of many of the reckless policies being proposed.”
  4. States will likely have to pick up the tab for this extension of Medicaid. We have estimated that the price for Indiana could reach billions.  These additional costs will overwhelm our resources and obliterate the reserves we have fought so hard to protect.”

I have not always been in full agreement with Gov. Daniels on some matters. But given that he was President George W. Bush’s budget director for 2 1/2 years, anyone with half a brain has to come to the conclusion that he knows a few things about money and budgets.  And one good thing he has done for the people of this state is signed legislation capping property taxes here in Hoosierville so we won’t lose our homes.   If only my former state of Illinois was so fortunate!

Gov. Daniels is quite popular in this state, having won reelection last year with 58% of the vote.  Given that GOP presidential candidate John McCain lost here, the first time in decades a Republican was defeated in Indiana in the electoral college, this was a ringing endorsement for Gov. Daniels.  He truly has delivered for the state.   I have absolutely no problem with the $95,000 salary he commands as the state’s governor.  It is much less than in other states, including neighboring Illinois.  He is well worth it.

So as far as I’m concerned, given the governor’s Washington background and experience, I will take at face value what he has said about Obamacare.  Using words like “reckless“, “obliterate” and “well founded worries” are very telling. In my opinion, I cannot see how one person can support this legislation, that is, one person who has so much as read a tiny portion of either the House or Senate versions of Obamacare (as little as 10 pages) and has not abandoned common sense.  If the bill is too complex to understand, and of course it is with it over 2000 pages long (hey, our U.S. Constitution is only 18 pages), then common sense dictates its abandonment.

Plus, as I noted in my previous post on Obamacare, why would anyone want a health care bill that Congress has opted itself out of?  Even the most liberal of liberals I would think would want what Washington has.  I cannot imagine anyone,  liberal or otherwise, saying, “I like the health care bills being passed and debated in Congress.  I like the fact that I won’t be able to get any of the Cadillac plans members of the House & Senate have and that Congress has exempted itself from plans being created for us .”

This doesn’t pass the smell test by any stretch of the imagination.

If you know just this much from this post, you know enough to tell the U.S. Senate that you don’t want it and that no explanation will suffice for your Democrat senator’s support of it (no Republicans are expected to be on board on this satanic monstrosity).

If your Democratic senator backs Obamacare (or Harrycare, as some folks are calling the Senate’s version), it means he or she wants to control every aspect of your life.  There is nothing redeeming of the bill – zip, zilch, zero, nada.

Any Democratic senator voting for this catastrophe must be terminated in November at the ballot box, providing they are up for reelection then.  If not, there must be unprecedented and sustained public pressure to demand their immediate resignation.  We cannot wait til 2012 or 2014 to unseat those particular Democrats.  They must be removed upon their vote for it, no matter what state they are from.

Impossible, you say?  I’m sure of it.  But impossible times demand impossible actions and it’s up to We the People to deliver.  We fail to do so at our own, our children’s, our grandchildren’s and the nation’s peril.

If Obamacare passes and is signed into law, we must revolt.  We likely will have little recourse but to do so.

If you have read this post and you understand it, then you know what you must do.  And that is broadly disseminate it, especially to those who like Obamacare or who are unsure about it.

I close with the full quote of the immortal words of Patrick Henry from March 23, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?

For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth — to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House?

Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation — the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?

No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.

We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.

Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.

If we wish to be free — if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak — unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable — and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, “Peace! Peace!” — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!“”


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